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On the Board
Sarbanes-Oxymoron
Matthew Schuerman
07/01/2004

Eliot Spitzer turned his attention from Wall Street to a less high-profile adversary last year: nonprofit organizations. Throughout the summer and early fall, the New York state attorney general and his staff explained at accountant meetings and nonprofit conferences a legislative proposal that would require charities and private foundations to form audit committees and certify the veracity of their financial statements. The reception was less than warm.

In the original version of Spitzer’s proposal, even officers of organizations pulling in a mere $250,000 a year in grants and other revenues would have had to attest that their internal financial controls were sufficient, a requirement that some insiders said would cost a nonprofit $10,000 to $15,000 to verify. “Organizations with $250,000 in revenue at best have a part-time bookkeeper, maybe a part-time treasurer,” says Doug Sauer, executive director of the Council of Community Services of New York State, which represents small and midsize upstate charities. “Maybe they have an executive director and maybe they are paying him $30,000. This is a small, grassroots business. They don’t have the capacity to do those sorts of things.”

Spitzer’s initiative is one of 12 bills pending in state legislatures around the country that bear the nickname “state Sarbanes-Oxleys.” They are inspired by the 2002 federal law that requires publicly traded corporations to establish independent audit committees and certify the veracity of their financial reports. Nonprofit leaders agree that charities need to be more accountable about their financial activities, but many would rather see voluntary adoption of these provisions, rather than a legal mandate. Stuck in the middle are donors, from those who run foundations and must monitor their grant recipients in order to keep their own good reputations intact, to those who are losing trust in charities themselves.

Charitable Muscle
One year after Spitzer began his efforts, the reformers have made precious little headway. Nonprofits, it turns out, are a surprisingly powerful lobbying force. They have persuaded the attorneys general in states where proposals are the most onerous—New York, California and Massachusetts—to back off. Even the calls for voluntary compliance have attracted very few takers.

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